Page Date:
02/23/2007
From: Anthology 3:3
See Also
Gillespie's
Wholesome Severity Reconciled with Christian Liberty |
 |
David Hay Fleming
The Discipline of the Reformation Part 2
Copyright © 1997
Naphtali Press |
The reformers distinguished three
classes of sins, First, those that were capital, and therefore deserved both
excommunication and death. In this class were placed, willful murder, adultery, sorcery,
witchcraft, conjuring, charming, giving of drinks to destroy children, and open blasphemy,
as if any renounce God, deny the truth and the authority of His holy Word, railing against
His blessed sacraments. Second, those that did not fall under the civil sword, and yet
deserved public repentance. This class included, fornication, drunkenness, swearing,
cursed speaking, chiding, fighting, brawling, and common contempt of the order of the
Church, breaking of the Sabbath, and such like. Of these some are more heinous than
others. Third, those that are less heinous, and yet deserve admonition, as wanton and vain
words, uncomely gestures, negligence in hearing the preaching, or abstaining from the
Lord's table when publicly ministered, suspicion of avarice or of pride, superfluity or
riotousness in cheer or raiment, these and such others, that of the world are not
regarded. Persons who had committed any sins of this latter class, were to be admonished
privately "by one or two of those that did first espy the offence; which, if the
person suspected hear, and give declaration of amendment, then there needs no further
process: but if he contemn and despise the admonition, then should the former admonishers
take to themselves two or three faithful and honest witnesses, in whose presence the
suspected offender should be admonished, and the causes of their suspicion declared, to
whom if then he gives signification of repentance and promise of amendment, they may cut
off all further accusation; but, and if he obstinately contemn both the said admonitions,
then ought the first and second brethren to signify the matter to the ministers and elders
in their session, who ought to call the offender before the complainers, and accuse him as
well of the crime as of the contempt of the admonition."1
No one can fail to perceive how faithfully the Master's command (Matt.
18:15-17) was hereby obeyed. For private admonition, three excellent rules were laid down.
"First, that our admonitions proceed of a godly zeal and conscience, rather seeking
to win our brother than to slander him; next, that we be assured that his fault be
reprovable by God's word; and finally, that we use such modesty and wisdom, that if we
(?he) somewhat doubt of the matter whereof we admonish him, yet with godly exhortations he
may be brought to the knowledge of his fault."2 If the offender when called before
the session, acknowledged his offence, and was willing to satisfy the brethren before
offended and the session then present, then there was no further publication of his
offence. But if he declared himself disobedient to the session, then next Sabbath both the
crime, and the order of admonitions passed before were publicly declared to the church,
and, without naming the person, he was admonished to satisfy in public that which he
refused to do in secret. If he showed himself penitent before the next Sabbath, and
satisfies the minister of the church, and the brethren that were before offended in their
assembly, then next Sabbath, without naming him or causing him to compear, the minister,
by command of the session, declared his repentance and submission. On the other hand, if
he was not penitent, then next Sabbath he was named, and his offences and stubbornness
declared. After this, no satisfaction could be received except in public, and not even
there, until he had humbly required it of the session. If he continued stubborn, then on
the third Sabbath, he was publicly charged to satisfy the church for his offence and
contempt, under the pain of excommunication. "Thus a small offence or slander may
justly deserve excommunication, by reason of the contempt and disobedience of the
offender."
Before considering the second class of sins, it may be as well to refer
more particularly to two of this third class, viz: non-attendance on public worship, and
abstaining from the Lord's table. From the old Record of West Anstruther, we learn that
visitors were regularly appointed to look after those who absented themselves from public
worship, and the following extract shows how stubborn and perverse parishioners were dealt
with.
4 April, 1598. "The magistrates yet again desyred to tak ordor with
Sandie reid & the rest that was absent fra the kirk the last Sabeth."
Had our modern voluntaries been alive then, they would doubtless have
protested against this; but our Reformers understood thoroughly the nature, duties, and
ends of the civil and ecclesiastical powers, they knew wherein they agreed, and wherein
they differed, and were always careful to distinguish between the power of the sword, and
the power of the keys. They held that all the actions of the civil magistrate even when
employed about ecclesiastical matters are in their own nature essentially civil; that it
belongs not to the ministry to compel the disobedient, and that any compulsion, in or
about ecclesiastical matters, is not from the nature of ecclesiastical power, but is
adventitious from without, to wit, from the help and assistance of the magistrate. To the
supposed case of a Christian convert coming from China to a country or city where there
are many Churches, Samuel Rutherford answers; "One congregation more than another
cannot compel the China-convert to be a member of their congregation; but if he be
baptized and profess, the godly magistrate may compel him to hear the word, and receive
the seals in the place he resides, so it be a sound Church. The magistrate cannot compel
him to faith and heart duties, but he may compel him to external profession; . . . the
ruler cannot compel a man to love his neighbor, but he can compel him to the external
duties of love, and punish him, if against love he beat or kill his neighbor,. He cannot
compel any to the faith but if one come to years desert his faith professed in baptism,
both the Church and the magistrate may punish him as a runaway. . . . The magistrate makes
no rule of constitution of Churches, nor any ecclesiastical rule, as Mr. H[ooker] saith.
But it follows not, therefore he cannot impose it, when it is made. The magistrate makes
not the hearing of the Gospel to be lawful; but it follows not, ergo, as the preserver of
both the tables of the law, he may not command Christian subjects to hear the Gospel: yea,
to me it's most probable, he may compel heathen people lawfully conquered to desist from
idolatry, blaspheming of Christ, and to hear the Gospel."3 In treating on this point,
James Durham refers to the difference between constraining a circumcised or baptized
people to worship God in the purity of ordinances, as they have been engaged thereto; and
the constraining of a people to engage and be baptized, which were not formerly engaged.
And after pointing out how Josiah caused the people to stand to the covenant, and having
removed all idolatrous worship, made Israel to serve the Lord, he says: the magistrate
"might order them to keep the ordinances, and in going about them to keep the rule,
because that is but a constraining of them in the means whereby religion worketh, and
making them, as it were, to give God a hearing, leaving their yielding and consenting to
him, when they have heard him, to their own wills, which cannot be forced; yet it is
reason, that when God cometh by his ordinances to treat with a people, that a magistrate
should so far respect his glory and their good, as to interpose his authority to make them
hear."4 Even the English Brownists of the sixteenth century held that Princes
"ought to compell al their subjects to the hearing of God's word in the publique
exercises of the Church: yet cannot the Prince compell any to be a member of the Church,
or the Church to receive any without assurance by the publique profession of their owne
faith, or to reteine anie longer, than they continue & walke orderly in the
faith."5 Though the Parliament of 1567 discerned and declared that all "that
refusis the participatioun of the holy sacramentis as thay ar now ministrat, to be na
memberis of the said Kirk within this realme now presently professit, swa long as they
keip thame selfis so deuydit [i.e. divided] fra the societie of Christis body;"6 and
though those suspected of Papistrie were admonished to subscryve the Confession of Faith
and "participat the communione," yet the Reformers "were very far from
approving of the promiscuous admission of persons of all descriptions to the peculiar
privileges of the Church of Christ."7 They were certainly anxious that every grown up
person should communicate, but not unless they were qualified to examine themselves, and
led a life becoming the gospel. "There was nothing in which the Scottish Reformers
approached nearer to the primitive Church than in the rigorous and impartial exercise of
ecclesiastical discipline, the relaxation of which, under the Papacy, they justly regarded
as one great cause of the universal corruption of religion."8 And the three chief
causes for exercising this discipline were, that the vile should not be numbered among
God's children, that the good should not be infected by companying with the evil, and that
those, thus corrected or excommunicated, might be ashamed of their faults, and so through
repentance come to amendment.
According to the ninth head of the First Book of Discipline, the Lord's
supper was to be administered four times a year, but never "without examination
passing before, and specially of them whose knowledge is suspected," for such as
"be so dull, and so ignorant, that they can neither try themselves, nor yet know the
dignity and mystery of that action, cannot eat and drink of that table worthily. And
therefore of necessity we judge, that every year at the least, public examination be had
by the ministers and elders, of the knowledge of every person within the kirk; viz., that
every master and mistress of household come themselves, and their family, so many as be
come to maturity, before the minister and the elders, and give confession of their faith.
If they understand not, nor can not rehearse the commandments of God's law, know not how
to pray, neither wherein their righteousness stands or consists, they ought not to be
admitted to the Lord's table."9 If such an examination were made now, how the
churches would be thinned!
Craig's Catechism was afterwards written and adopted as the form of
examination before the communion.10 Those who withdrew themselves for a long period from
the society of Christ's body and from the participation of the sacraments; or those who
had been partakers with the Reformed Church in doctrine and sacraments, and returned back
again to Popery, or gave their presence to any part of their abominations, were deemed
worthy of excommunication, albeit not so summarily as those who committed capital crimes.
They were first called and exhorted to repentance, and their danger pointed out to them.
If the offender heard, then a day was appointed for his public repentance, but if he
continued stubborn, then next Sabbath his defections and stubborn contempt were declared,
and this advertisement being given on two Sabbaths, the sentence of excommunication might
be pronounced on the third. There were other persons who, while professing "the
veritie of the Gospell," yet under the pretence of deadly feuds refrained from the
Lord's table. The General Assembly of 1595 ordained all Presbyteries to charge these
persons within their table; and in caise they be obstinate and refuse, to proceed with the
censures of the Kirk against them." But this rider was put upon the ordinance,
"it being always considerit be the Presbytrie, that if there be any infirmitie or
hinderance of conscience that refuses, in that caise the said Presbytrie shall travell
with the said persones to bring them to their deutie and participatione of the said table,
granting with good advyce and discretione some reasonable tyme as to resolve
themselves."11
Sins of the second class, if known, were not suffered in any person, but
the offender was called before the session, where his sin and trespass were proved and
"aggreged," so that his conscience might feel how far he had offended God, and
what slander he had raised in the kirk. If he showed himself penitent, then a day was
appointed, when the whole kirk convened, that he might testify his repentance in presence
of all. But the session only admitted him to public repentance after having examined him
sharply regarding his fear and terror of God's judgments, his hatred of sin and grief for
the same, and his sense and feeling of God's mercies. If found ignorant of these, he was
diligently instructed, "for it is but a mocking to present such to public repentance,
as neither understand what sin is, what repentance is, what grace is, nor by whom God's
favor and mercy is procured. Then after that the offender shall be instructed in the
assembly, so that he have some taste of God's judgments, but chiefly of God's mercies in
Christ Jesus, he may be presented before the public church upon a Sunday after the sermon,
and before the prayers and psalm."12 The minister in presenting him declared his
crime, its heinousness, and his readiness "to witness and declare his unfeigned
repentance, the thirst and the care that he hath to be reconciled with God through Jesus
Christ, and with you his brethren, whom he hath offended." Public repentance was then
proved to be the institution of God, and not the invention of man. From our Master's
"commanding that if any have offended13 his brother, (in what sort soever it be),
that he shall go to him and be reconciled unto his brother," it was argued, that if
the offending of one brother required this, much more did the offending of a multitude
require it; for, that woe, which Christ pronounced against every man that offends the
least one within His church, remains upon every public offender, until he let the offended
multitude understand his unfeigned repentance. The minister then pressed the congregation
to consider, in the fall and sin of this their brother, the corruption that lurked in
themselves, and "how prone and ready every one of us is to such and greater impiety,
then shall we in the sin of this our brother accuse and condemn our own sins, in his fall
we shall consider and lament our sinful nature, also we shall join our repentance, tears,
and prayers with him and his, knowing that no flesh can be justified before God's
presence, if judgment proceed without mercy." After dwelling on God's readiness to
pardon, and the benefit arising from not being ashamed thus to humble ourselves and
confess our offences, the offender was solemnly charged to consider earnestly with what
mind and heart he was presenting himself, and was reminded that his sin would not separate
him from his God, nor from His mercy in Jesus Christ, if repented of; but that hypocrisy
and impenitence are nowise tolerable before His presence. The offender then protested
before God that he was sorry for his sin, and unfeignedly desired God to be merciful unto
him, and that, for the obedience of His dear Son our Lord Jesus Christ. The minister then
said: "we can only see that which is without, and according to your confession judge,
leaving the secrets of the heart to God, who only can try and search the same; but,
because unfeigned repentance for sin, and simple confession of the same, are the gifts of
God, we will join our prayers with yours, that the one and the other may be granted to you
and us." The merciful and everlasting God, who sent His only Son to suffer, "not
for the just, but for such as find themselves oppressed with the burden of sin," was
then besought to touch and move their hearts that they might come to a true knowledge of
their sins; but chiefly, that He would move the heart of this their brother, and theirs
also, that he and they might condemn sin without hypocrisy, and attain to the assurance of
mercy. That he might be granted repentance of heart, and sincere confession of mouth, to
the praise of God's name, to the comfort of the Church, and to the confusion of Satan. And
that they might not only be kept from falling into horrible crimes, but receive grace to
live holy and innocent lives, that men seeing their good works might glorify God. The
prayer being finished, the minister turned to the penitent brother, asking him, as he had
heard what was his duty towards the Church which he had offended, and the affection and
care of the Church towards him, that he would openly and simply confess his crime, and
give them a testimony of his unfeigned repentance. The penitent then openly confessed his
crime, whatever it was, desiring God's mercy, and prayed the Church to call to God for
mercy with him, and desired to be joined again to their society and number. But if the
penitent was confounded with shame, or unable to speak distinctly to the comfort and
instruction of the Church, the minister made repetition, and on the penitent answering
that this was his confession and belief, the minister asked the congregation if they
required any thing more for their satisfaction, and for reconciliation of that brother. No
contradiction being made, the minister charged the penitent that as the Spirit of Jesus
Christ had confounded the devil in that he to the glory of God had openly condemned
himself and his impiety, and had implored grace and mercy, and as this strength,
submission and obedience, was the gift of the Holy Ghost, that so he would acknowledge it
to be given unto him by Jesus Christ, and take heed lest, at any time, he was unmindful of
this great benefit, and again fall into such or more horrible crimes; and that he would
resist the devil, live in sobriety, be instant in prayer, and unfeignedly commend himself
to God who would give him the victory over sin, death, and Satan, by means of our Head and
sovereign champion, Jesus Christ.
The congregation were next admonished to take this their penitent
brother for an example: first, in being unfeignedly displeased in their own hearts at
their own sins; secondly, that they would confess their offences in the sight of God,
imploring grace and mercy for them; and lastly, that if any of them should hereafter
publicly offend, they would not refuse to satisfy the Church of God. They were further
charged to remit and forget all offences which they had conceived by his sin and fall; to
accept and embrace him as a member of Christ's body; and not reproach or accuse him for
any offences of the past. And that he might be assured of their good will and
reconciliation, hearty thanks were rendered unto God for his conversion and repentance.
The thanksgiving being finished, the minister asked the penitent if he would be subject to
the discipline of the Church, if he after offended; on being answered in the affirmative,
the minister said in manner of absolution: "If thou unfeignedly repent thy former
iniquity, and believe in the Lord Jesus, then I, in His name, pronounce and affirm that
thy sins are forgiven, not only on earth, but also in heaven, according to the promises
annexed with the preaching of His word, and to the power put in the ministry of His
Church." Then the elders and deacons, in the name of the whole Church, took the
reconciled brother by the hand, and embraced him, in sign of full reconciliation. After
singing part of the 103rd Psalm, the congregation was dismissed with the benediction.
Though "the Form and Order of Public Repentance" is only given
above in outline, every one must be struck with the manner in which faithfulness and
tenderness are combined. But, if an offender when first summoned before the session was
found to be stubborn, hard-hearted, or without any sign of repentance, then he was
demitted, with an exhortation to consider the dangerous estate in which he stood, and was
assured that, if no other tokens of amendment of life were found in him, they would be
compelled to seek a further remedy. If within a certain space, he shewed his repentance to
the ministry, then he was presented to the kirk; but if he continued impenitent, then the
kirk was advertised, that such crimes were committed among them, as had been reprehended,
and the persons provoked to repent; the crime was mentioned, but not the person, and the
congregation was required "earnestly to call to God to move and touch the heart of
the offender, so that suddenly and earnestly he may repent."14 If he still continued
impenitent, on the next day of public assembly, both his name and his crime were notified
to the kirk, and it was put to them, if in their judgments such crimes ought to be
suffered unpunished among them, and his nearest and most discreet friend was requested to
endeavor to bring him to the knowledge of himself, and of his dangerous estate, and all
were commended to call to God for his conversion. On the third Sabbath the minister asked
if the impenitent had declared any signs of repentance to one of the ministry, if he had,
then after examination, if repentance appeared both for his crime and his long contempt,
he was presented to the kirk, to make public satisfaction; but if neither the accused nor
any one in his absence signified his repentance, then he was excommunicated.
Sometimes the offender did not even appear before the session when
cited, if so, it was ordained that, "summons ought to pass to the third time; and
then, in case he appear not, the church may discern the sentence to be pronounced."15
The following entry from the old Record of W. Anstruther shows how contumacious offenders
were compelled to appear before the session.
17 March 1594. "Katrin & bessie gilgours called, compeired not,
therfor the magistrats desyred to impreson them till tysday."16
As the kirk-session met every Tuesday, the object in imprisoning these
offenders till next Tuesday is obvious. It is noticeable that both in this, and the
preceding extract, the magistrates were desired, &c. The reason of this in principle,
has been already given, and in practice the Church courts did not inflict civil
punishments. "The parliament, or the magistracy of particular burghs enacted
punishments of a corporal kind, against certain crimes which were ordinarily tried in the
Church courts. Some of these existed before the Reformation, and some of them were
posterior to it; but the infliction as well as the enacting of them, pertained to the
civil magistrate (Knox, p. 269). In the minutes of several kirk-sessions, however, the
sentences inflicting them, are found recorded along with censures, properly
ecclesiastical."17 "In boroughs, it was the almost invariable custom to have
some of the elders chosen from among the magistrates. This circumstance, connected with
the nature of the offences usually tried, and the punishments decreed against them, by the
legislature, led to that apparent confounding of the two jurisdictions, which is apt to
strike those who happen to look into the ancient records of kirk-sessions, as an anomaly,
and a contradiction to the principles of the Presbyterian Church."18 In the buik of
the Kirk of Canagait, in all instances in which any civil penalty is added, this form of
expression is used: "Thairfoir the baillies assistane the assemblie of ye kirke
ordanis" &c.,19 "By cap. 27, parl. 11, James vi., it is enacted that,
troublers of the kirk, or who raise any fray therein, or in the kirkyard, in time of
divine service, be punished by loss of all their moveables. If the magistrate be present,
no doubt, he may ordain the disturbers to be removed, and secured, till they find bail to
answer therefor."20 Another explanatory proof, from the greatest authority on the
matter in modern times, will suffice for this point. "I have" says Dr. M'Crie
"in my possession (extracted from the records of a kirk session) a commission,
granted by the sheriff-depute of Berwickshire, appointment of such an officer in parishes
within which no ordinary magistrate resided."21 This explanation must be kept in
view, and it must not be forgotten that our Reformers had not only difficulty in getting
Parliament to make laws for the suppression of vice, but in getting them to enforce them
after they were made.
Some moderns, anxious no doubt to escape from everything like
Erastianism, seem to forget that God's ordinance of Magistracy "is wholly intended
for the preservation of mankind, the punishment of vice, and the maintenance of
virtue." For example, Dr. Ross in his very valuable book on Pastoral Work in
Covenanting Times (pages 174, 175) in referring to the General Assembly of 1648,
recommending "every congregation [or parish] to make use of the 9 Act of Parliament
of 1645, at Perth, for having Magistrates and Justices in every congregation, and of the 8
Act of the said Parliament against Swearing, Drinking, and mocking of Piety, and all other
Acts of Parliament for restraining or punishing of Vice; particularly for the better
restraining of the sin of whoredom, that each Magistrate in every congregation
exact," &c.,22 says, "We are not defending the principle involved in this
procedure, we are merely explaining the meaning of the allusion." So far is Dr. Ross
from defending the principle that he really condemns it, for he goes on to say that,
"The strength of Christian discipline lies in tender yet faithful dealing with the
conscience of the offender, and it is always to be regretted when a court of Christ's
Church seems to attach importance to anything inflicted in the way of punishment, as this
is ready to take the place of true penitence and its fruits. In an ill-regulated family a
hasty word or an angry blow sometimes takes the place of serious rational dealing with an
offending child, but this short and easy method is not followed by satisfactory results.
And there is an evident analogy between parental discipline and that administered by a
Church Court." This is no doubt plausible, but is altogether fallacious. For Dr. Ross
entirely overlooks the fact that the General Assembly of 1648 propounded these as
"CIVILL REMEDIES," over and above the "Domestick Remedies," and
"Ecclesiastick Remedies," for the grievous and common sins of the land. Can he
think it wrong in the civil magistrate to punish swearing, drunkenness, mocking of piety,
and whoredom as civil crimes; seeing that he believes "the profession of witchcraft
is a crime that should be punished in some way or other by the civil magistrate?"23
And has he a right to assume that the magistrate necessarily punishes in haste or anger?
Still more, though Church discipline is of a fatherly nature, this, instead of proving his
point, proves the very opposite, for a parent is sometimes constrained to chastise his
erring child; and we have inspired authority for saying, "He that spareth his rod
hateth his son: but he that loveth him chasteneth him betimes." It should rather be
regretted that the means then adopted for suppressing vice have not been more faithfully
carried out. Every person in this kingdom is bound by the Solemn League and Covenant to
endeavor in their several places and callings the extirpation of "profaneness, and
whatsoever shall be found to be contrary to sound doctrine and the power of
godliness." The best commentary on this is "The Acknowledgment of Sins and
Engagement to Duties," (1648), which says: "We shall be so far from conniving
at, complying with, or countenancing of malignancy, injustice, iniquity, profanity, and
impiety, that we shall not only avoid and discountenance those things, and cherish and
encourage these persons who are zealous for the cause of God, and walk according to the
gospel; but also shall take a more effectual course that heretofore, in our respective
places and callings, for punishing and suppressing these evils; And faithfully endeavor,
that the best and fittest remedies may be applied for taking away the causes thereof, and
advancing the knowledge of God, and holiness and righteousness in the land." The
following proposition has been often assailed, but is nevertheless impregnable.
"Every member of the church (and so also the faithful and godly magistrate) ought to
refer and order his particular vocation, faculty, ability, power and honor, to this end,
that the kingdom of Christ may be propagated and promoted, and the true religion be
cherished and defended: so that the advancement of the gospel, and of all the ordinances
of the gospel, is indeed the end of the godly magistrate, not of a magistrate simply: or
(if ye will rather) it is not the end of the office itself, but of him who doth execute
the same piously."24
As relapse into open sin was held in abhorrence, trilapse was still more
so. It was accordingly ordained by the December Assembly of 1564, that the Superintendent
should give those who relapsed "the third tyme in any kinde of cryme, sic as
fornication and drunkenness," "sic injunctions as they think may make the
offence to be holden in horror. But chiefly that they compel the offender to satisfie the
Kirk where the offences were made moe dayes nor ane, as the Superintendent shall think
good."25 And in such cases they required very decided evidence of true penitence in
the offender, before he was allowed to make public repentance. In 1596 an offender, who
had relapsed the third time, and who after being seriously dealt with by the kirk-session
of West Anstruther without showing signs of sincere repentance, was ordered to be shut up
within the steeple for twenty days, to see if the Lord would work repentance in his heart.
Footnotes
1 Order of Excommunication and Public Repentance.
2 Order of the Ecclesiastical Discipline.
3 Rutherfurd's Survey of the Survey of that Summe of Church-discipline,
penned by Mr. Thomas Hooker, 1658, pp. 282, 283.
4 The Dying Man's Testament to the Church of Scotland. Ed. 1740, p. 228.
5 A plaine Refutation of M. Giffard's Booke intituled, a short treatise
gainst the Donatistes of England. 1591. Preface to the Reader.
6 Booke of the Universall Kirk. App. p. 89.
7 M'Crie's Life of Knox, p. 205. See also prop. 16.
8 Ibid. p. 251.
9 Suspension from the Lord's table is sometimes called the publican's
excommunication, and is commonly (though not properly) called the lesser excommunication,
to distinguish it from excommunication proper, which is the cutting off of a member, and
which in contradistinction is called the greater excommunication.
10 It was customary at the Reformation, for the congregation to convene
on the Tuesday before the March Communion, for redressing grievances and reconciling those
at variance. Calderwood's Hist., 1678, pp. 722-803.
11 The Booke of the Universall Kirk, p. 414.
12 Order of Excommunication and Public Repentance.
13 It is hardly necessary to explain that the word offend as used in the
Bible, and by our Reformers does not mean to displease. "Scandal or offence is not
the grieving or displeasing of my brother; for peradventure when I grieve him or displease
him, I do edify him. Now edification and scandal are not compatible; but scandal is a word
or deed proceeding from me, which is, or may be, the occasion of another man's halting, or
falling, or swerving from the straight way of righteousness." English Popish
Ceremonies, Part ii ch. 8, sect. 2.
14 First Book of Discipline. Seventh Head.
15 The order of Excommunication.
16 The following extract shows the reciprocal manner in which the elders
and magistrates acted: 9 March 1591. "Because of the great contempt of magistrates,
& disobedience to them, be ignorant & orderles persones heirfore it is statut
& ordeined be the session that whosoever sall be convict in this offence, sall be
debarrit fra all benefit of the kirk, till they have satisfied according to the ordinance
of the counsell of the town, and session of the kirk." In the extracts quoted in this
article from the Records of W. Anstruther, contracted words have been extended, though
otherwise the spelling has been adhered to.
17 M'Crie's Life of Knox. Note D D D.
18 M'Crie's Life of Melville, 2nd. ed., vol. I. p. 335.
19 Ibid. note G G.
20 Pardovan's Collections, Book 3, Title 6, Sect. 4.
21 Life of Knox, note D D D.
22 Records of the Kirk of Scotland, pp. 511,512.
23 Pastoral Work in the Covenanting Times, p. 196.
24 One Hundred and Eleven Propositions, Prop. 69.
25 Booke of the Universall Kirk, p. 27. |
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